NewStats: 3,264,690 , 8,184,423 topics. Date: Thursday, 12 June 2025 at 04:35 AM 438586z3e3g |
(14) (of 766 pages)
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iokpebholo:My brother, Atiku only won the Northeast from official results. Obi won SS and SE, Tinubu won SW, NC and NW! 2 Likes |
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sonature1:The painful reality is that PDP cannot bounce back except it addresses its internal issues and make the Party attractive to young Nigerians. A lot of young Nigerians appear to be at parallel with the Party at present. As for APC, they are not invincible. Their weakness was seen in the last election. They simply need a viable and united opposition to challenge them in future elections. 5 Likes |
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By Tonye Barcanista At the conclusion of the Presidential, governorship and National Assembly elections in 1998 and 1999, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) triumphed over the All Peoples Party (APP) and Alliance for Democracy (AD) to emerge Nigeria's most dominant political party in the beginning of the fourth republic, as the party won the Presidential election, 66 out of 109 seats in the Senate and about 200 out of 360 seats in the Federal House of Representatives. In addition to these, the Party had comfortable control in 21 out of 36 States across the Federation, leaving the APP and AD with 6 and 9 states respectively. In 2003, the PDP performed even better than it did in 1999. The Party retained the Presidency and increased its seats in the Senate and House of Representatives to 76 and 223 seats respectively. In addition to that feat, PDP increased the number of states under control to 27 (initially 28 until Anambra was upturned in favor of APGA). The growth of stature of PDP simply meant shrinking of APP and AD control of States to 7 and 1 respectively - meaning both parties lost 2 and 5 states respectively. At the 2007 elections, it was clear that AD has gone to extinction with newly formed Action Congress (AC) that was led by a faction of AD taking its place as the main opposition in the Southwest. However, at the conclusion of the general election, the PDP further consolidated its dominance of Nigeria's politics. The party retained the Presidency, increased its seats in the Senate to 86 (from 79) and 260 from 223 in the House of Representatives. The PDP also increased its control of States to 31. The number later reduced to 26 when Anambra was returned to APGA (2007), Ondo was upturned to LP (2009), and Edo (2010), Ekiti (2010) and Osun (2010) went in favor of opposition AC through judicial pronouncements. After the 2007 election, Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, the National Chairman of PDP in 2008, boasted that “The PDP is a party for all and it is set to rule Nigeria for the next 60 years. I don’t care if Nigeria becomes a one-party state. We can do it and the PDP can contain all”. That statement drew condemnation from the opposition but what could they have done? Meanwhile, the ANPP (previously known as APP) only managed to retain 4 States, while the new block in town; Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) and AC got 2 States and 1 state respectively. AD was completely annihilated, ANPP's annihilation was but a matter of time. At the 2011 general election, though PDP reinforced its dominance by retaining the presidential seat and dominating the National Assembly, the party showed signs that it was not invisible after all. The PDP control in the Senate fell to 71, while its House hip was reduced to 202. The Party also saw a decline in the number of States under its control to 23. On the other hand, the AC and APGA increased their control of States to 8 and 2 respectively, ANPP further fell to 3, while an ambitious Congress for Progressive Change (C) got 1 State under its belt. In 2015, the PDP was eventually demystified. The Party lost the Presidential election, and lost control in both Chambers of the National Assembly, winning 48 and 140 seats in the Senate and House of Representatives respectively. The States under the control of PDP was equally reduced to 11. This was further reduced to 9 following the Party loss of Ekiti and Ondo States in 2016. The PDP was demystified by the All Progressives Congress - a merger of ACN (formerly AC), ANPP, C, and a faction of APGA. The capacity of the APC was swelled with the entrance of a group of aggrieved senior PDP leaders known as New PDP. In 2019, despite dwindling popularity of APC, PDP could not defeat the Party at the Presidential election. The partu also saw a further decline in its seats in the Senate and House of Representatives to 45 and 128 respectively. The Party however got an increase in States to 14 (initially 15 until judicial pronouncement that returned Imo State to APC). Penultimate to 2023 election, PDP was bedeviled with internal crisis similar to the crisis it experienced in 2015. The result of the election saw the Party losing the Presidential election to the APC accordin to official result. The PDP further saw a decline in Seats in the Senate and House of Representatives to 36 and 107 respectively according to official results. The party further saw a decline in the number of states in its control to 12. The interesting thing about the 2023 election is the loss of Southeast and Southsouth geopolitical zones to the Labour Party (led by breakaway PDP ) at the Presidential election. The two zones are historically a comfortable turf to the party in every presidential election since 1999. Furthermore, PDP could only managed to win in one (northeast) out of the six zones in the country - a sharp decline from its previous fortunes. At present, the political war of attrition between a faction led by five influential governors (known as G5) and the group loyal to the Presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar seem not to be over - both groups are employing all the political card to outdo the other. Even an event organised by the Party’s Governors Forum for the its outgoing governors and governors-elect was boycotted by the G5 Governors and their ers. The crack in the Party is very visible, and will further sink the party if left unattended. Conclusively, it remains to be seen whether or not the party, that once pride itself the largest in Africa, will bounce back to reckoning. But the PDP cannot bounce back except it addresses its myriads of internal issues, and make the party attractive to the GenZ and other young Nigerians through holistic reforms. Tonye Barcanista writes from FCT, Abuja. 6 Likes 1 Share |
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lexy2014:I will like to know his response |
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raumdeuter:Exactly my position. Some people think the US President is involved in Congress leadership selection |
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casualobserver:Check 4 comments before this. |
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casualobserver:This is only true in presidential democracy like Nigeria |
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raumdeuter:Joe Biden did not influence the choice of Kevin McCarthy, he emerged because he was the leader of the opposition that became majority in the House after the mid term election. Paul Ryan himself became Speaker/Leader of GOP following the resignation of John Boehman. Ryan didn't return to the House after the midterm election of 2018, hence, the House GOP leadership fell of McCarthy. McCarthy was the leader of the opposition GOP when Dems controlled the House and became Speaker when GOP seized control after the midterm election of 2022 There is a tradition in USA |
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casualobserver:Influences? Is where I disagree. In the USA, our model presidential democracy, irrespective of who emerges President, the Speaker and Senate leader is always occupied by the leaders of the majority party Caucus. This is why I disagree with you. 1 Like |
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pineed:Obasanjo remains the most vindictive president of Nigeria. The positive is that the NASS leadership forced Obasanjo to sit up because unlike the Lawan/Gbajabiamila NASS (no disrespect), they provided oversight on the Executive. 2 Likes |
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casualobserver:He isn't wrong bro. In the USA, the Speaker and Senate Leader (Since the VP is the Senate President) is usually the most ranked member of the majority party. 2 Likes |
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God1000:While I agree that it is because it actually robs the country of viable legislature (as was seen during the 4th, 5th and 8th NASS), it profits the President to get away with literally everything (as witnessed in the 6th and 9th NASS) 8 Likes 2 Shares |
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Jostoman:With the way NASS leadership election is conducted, President-elect Tinubu (or any other executive) cannot employ abracadabra style o. It's either pure politicking or inducement except he will employ Obaseki style... which itself will be counterproductive. 1 Like |
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God1000:Well, the arms are meant to be independent of each other. The trend of Executive pocketing the legislature was started by President Obasanjo, others (his successors and even Governors) saw it as a way of consolidating their hold on the political system 6 Likes 1 Share |
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By Tonye Barcanista In 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo sought to exercise control in the 4th National Assembly by doing all he could to ensure the emergence of Evans Ewerem and Salisu Buhari as Senate President and Reps Speaker respectively. He had his way, but barely two months later, Salisu was disgraced out for age and certificate falsification, was succeeded by 41 year old Ghali Na'abba. The Na'abba led House overturned some of Obasanjo’s vetos, and even made attempts to impeach him until eminent Nigerians intervened. Na'abba lost his reelection in 2003. In the Senate, Evans Ewerem was disgraced out as Senate President over name falsification 6 months in office and he was succeeded by Chuba Okadigbo - a nemesis of President Obasanjo. Though Okadigbo was also removed, his successor, Ayim Pius Ayim, was also an opposition to OBJ. In the 5th NASS, 53 year-old Aminu Masari (who was seen as elderly) was elected Speaker. Obasanjo thought it would be smooth but the 4 years with Masari House was turbulent. Adolphus Wabara who was elected the Senate President was also a thorn on Obasanjo's flesh. Obasanjo made attempts to get Senators to remove him but was unsuccessful. Luckily for Obasanjo, Wabara was accused by EFCC of receiving N50m bribe from Education Minister Fabian Osuji, and was removed from office. Ken Nnamani, who succeeded Wabara, was equally a bone in Pres Obasanjo's throat. Wabara, Nnamani and Aminu Mansari played significant role to ensure the failure of Obasanjo proposed third term constitutional amendment. As payback, Obasanjo stopped Masari from succeeding Yar'adua as Governor, and ensured that Nnamani and Wabara didn't get Senate return ticket In the 6th NASS, President Umaru Yar'adua was unbothered about the politics of the presiding officers. But Obasanjo (then ex-president and PDP BoT Chairman) was very much interested to consolidate his influence in the system. He ensured that David Mark and Patricia Etteh were elected Senate President and House Speaker respectively. But Patricia was forced out over N628 million alleged fraud just four months in office, and was replaced by 39-year-old Oladimeji Bankole. Following the death of Yar'adua on 5th May 2010, President Goodluck Jonathan, a protégé of Obasanjo, sought to retain the status quo in the 7th NASS but Bankole could not make it back having lost reelection in 2011. In his stead, President Jonathan anointed the 51 year-old Mulikat Akande Adeola from Ogbomoso (Oyo) as Speaker, but some 'opposing' PDP Reps teamed up with opposition legislators to elect 45 year old Aminu Tambuwal instead. That 7th House was a thorn in the flesh of Jonathan all through his tenure. In the Senate, David Mark retained his seat and was a dependable ally to President Jonathan. When President Muhammadu Buhari was inaugurated President, his party, APC, preferred Ahmad Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila for Senate President and Speaker respectively, but 'opposing' APC legislators alongside opposition PDP overturned Buhari desire in favor of Bukola Saraki and 48-year-old Yakubu Dogara respectively. The relationship between the 8th NASS and President Buhari was anything but cordial to the extent that both legislative leaders switched alliance to the opposition PDP. In the 9th NASS, Saraki couldn't earn a return to the Senate, while Dogara, who returned to the House, could not seek for another term as Speaker because PDP was minority party. President Buhari (serving his second term) still endorsed Ahmad Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila for Senate President and Speaker respectively- which they both won. This paved way to make President Buhari (2019-2023) as the only President since 1999 that succeeded in installing his preferred choices as presiding leaders in both Houses of the NASS for the entire period of his four years. As we await the inauguration and election of the 10th NASS leadership, the APC and President-elect Bola Tinubu already named Godswill Akpabio and 54-year old Tajudeen Abbas as preferred choices for Senate President and House Speaker. The choices are being challenged by others who are interested in the two top offices. For the House, aspirants, especially those from the Northcentral are querying the choice of Tajudeen, insisting on producing the Speaker. For the Senate, Uzor Kalu (Southeast) and Abdulaziz Yari (Northwest) are seeking to stop Akpabio Should either Akpabio, Tajudeen(anointed Speaker) or both fail to emerge, Nigerians may witness a fresh four years of Executive-Legislative turmoil. June 6th will tell whether the President-elect Tinubu will employ his widely acclaimed mastery in politicking to play to produce his men as leaders of the NASS. NOTE: The writeup is without prejudice to the cases at the Tribunal. 15 Likes |
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jamesversion:Chai... ![]() |
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bluefilm:The Thread has nothing to do with performance |
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Morphinne:Exactly why I was confused during the electioneering. Obi ers in all honesty, did not subject him to ability, neither were they willing to engage in civil conversation without insults about his antecedents. To be fair, ers of Asiwaju and Atiku also employed insults during the campaign. Some of these ers (of the three + 1) candidates made the whole think appear like an ethnoreligious warfare - when it was just politics. Some took criticism of their candidates as hating their tribe or religion even when you never implied so... It was difficult really! I think there is need for orientation for our people. We may not all be in the same political camp but we should be able to start making informed (and not sensational) decisions. We are no longer 'young' like we may believe, we are gradually exiting the youth stage... It's time to take responsibility 2 Likes |
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slashthroat:I will respond to this after the Tribunal has decided on the Petitions |
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SALLYBERRY01:Peter Obi won in GEJ's Polling Unit. This should give you an idea who he ed 2 Likes 1 Share |
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slashthroat:Anthony matter is not an issue really, and he's still a member of PDP! |
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helinues:That Naira redesign drama was a huge factor as well 9 Likes 3 Shares |
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helinues:Well, honestly, I don't know whether it is his destiny or whatever, however, I believe that everything that happen is the Will of God! 7 Likes 1 Share |
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helinues: Kwankwaso may not even be President should Asiwaju spend 8 years... A younger person from the region may prop up! Personally, I feel we need to halt this recycling! Kwankwaso has been in the system since 1991, he will be 70 in 2027 and 74 in 2031... That is way past his prime! We may need a President in his 50s or late 40s... 36 Likes 5 Shares |
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helinues:I felt that it was not a good idea for PDP not to manage the G5, Kwankwaso and Peter Obi issues. Though G5 was the biggest setback... 19 Likes 3 Shares |
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Afamed:I will not say Amen to this prayer lol ![]() However, I am concerned that the present politicians are not making it easy for generational shift in leadership in the political parties 29 Likes 1 Share |
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Switruth:Sad truth 25 Likes 2 Shares |
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helinues:Thanks Brother,I hope you sha took time to relax? May 29 will open a new chapter in Nigeria... 24 Likes 1 Share |
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Afamed:Candidly, I wasn't shocked by the result, but I was disappointed that PDP allowed avoidable crisis to cause division which affected our votes. 92 Likes 8 Shares |
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yarimo:He actually is, likewise 27 Likes 1 Share |
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helinues:I'm good my brother! I had to take a well deserved rest after the general election. Hope you are good? 14 Likes 2 Shares |
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6. Ike Ekweremadu: He has to his credit as the only politician that has occupied the positions of Council Chairman, Chief of Staff to Governor, Secretary to Enugu State Government, 5 time Senator, 3 time Deputy President of the Senate & one-time Speaker of the ECOWAS Parliament
119 Likes 14 Shares |
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